This fact sheet was designed in support of the Collaborative Process on Indian Registration, Band Membership and First Nation Citizenship. The fact sheet provides information on the current situation or issues to ensure participants in the collaborative process can engage in well-informed and meaningful dialogues.
There are three other related fact sheets:
For a complete package of the fact sheets, please send an email to aadnc.fncitizenship-citoyennetepn.aandc@canada.ca.
Long before European contact, First Nations had their own systems for determining the "citizens or members" of their nations. While each Indigenous nation established its own societal rules for determining who was part of the First Nation kinship and community ties were common elements.
First Nation systems of governance and cultural norms were undermined and displaced by the many actors of colonialism. The efforts of colonial administrations included the introduction of legislation that determined who could be considered "Indian" for the purposes of residing on Indian reserves. The definition of Indian Footnote 1 in colonial legislation (1850 to 1867) was broad based, mostly sex neutral and focused on family, social and tribal or nation ties. While the term Indian was often interpreted broadly, the authority to determine who was an Indian shifted to government control beginning in 1869.
The Gradual Enfranchisement Act in 1869 and the first Indian Act in 1876 introduced a narrower definition of an Indian. These early post-Confederation laws established sex-based criteria, specifically rules of descent through the male lines in the definition of Indian. Women and children were usually included under the man's name and not as separate individuals under the legislation. Further, the legislation removed Indian status from an Indian woman who married a non-Indian man and also prevented their children and future descendants from acquiring Indian status and the associated benefits. Therefore, beginning in 1869, the definition of Indian was no longer based on First Nations kinship and community ties but instead, built on the predominance of men over women and children, and aimed to remove families headed by a non-Indian man from First Nations communities.
With the introduction of these laws, the concept of enfranchisement was introduced, where an Indian could gain "full citizenship", with the right to vote and own property, and no longer be considered an Indian under the law. Enfranchisement could happen both voluntarily (by choice and application) and involuntarily (for example, by being forced to give up being an Indian due to professional or educational achievement as outlined in legislation). When a man enfranchised, his wife and children automatically lost their Indian status as well, regardless of whether they wanted to or not. This again led to entire families and their descendants losing status and any associated benefits. Families were torn apart and community ties were broken when they were forced to move away from First Nations communities.
Subsequent amendments to the Indian Act between 1876 and 1985 further entrenched sex-based criteria and continued to narrow the definition of an Indian. In 1951, the Indian Act was amended to establish a centralized Indian Register and created the position of an Indian Registrar to determine who was, and who was not, an Indian under the legislation. It solidified sex-based criteria, enfranchisement provisions and defined exclusive control by the federal government over Indian registration and subsequently band membership. The 1951 amendments created the system where registration (or status) was synonymous with band membership.
In 1985, in response to the passage of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms as well as international pressure exerted by the Lovelace case which was heard by the United Nations Human Rights Committee, the federal government acted to eliminate provisions of the Indian Act that for years had been criticized as discriminatory. Bill C-31 was the first attempt to address sex-based inequities in the Indian Act . Women who married non-Indians no longer lost their status and Indian women who had previously lost their status through marriage to a non-Indian man became eligible to apply for reinstatement, as did their children. Non-Indian women could no longer acquire status through marriage to Indian men and those who had acquired status through marriage prior to Bill C-31 did not lose their status. The concept of enfranchisement and the ability to have someone removed from the Indian Register, if they were eligible, was eliminated. The Indian Registrar maintained the ability to remove individuals from the Indian Register who were not eligible to be registered. Individuals who had been previously enfranchised could also apply for reinstatement.
The federal government retained control over Indian registration and categories of registered Indians were established through sections 6(1) and 6(2) of the Indian Act (Bill C-31) as an attempt to address the concerns raised by First Nations during parliamentary debates around Bill C-31. The concerns of First Nations leaders focused on resource pressures resulting from an expected population increase in First Nations communities, and the fear of ethno-cultural erosion within First Nations due to the large number of individuals with no apparent community or cultural ties that would become entitled to registration. Through the introduction of these registration categories a second-generation cut-off was created when two successive generations of mixed parenting between a person entitled to registration and a person not so entitled (Indian and non-Indian) results in the third generation of children losing entitlement to registration.
Bill C-31 also created separate regimes for the control of band membership under sections 10 and 11 of the Indian Act. Section 10 granted the opportunity for First Nations to take control of their band membership by developing membership rules (membership codes) that had to be approved by the minister as defined by the Indian Act . For First Nations that did not choose to seek control of their membership under section 10, their band membership lists remained under the control of the Indian Registrar under section 11 of the Indian Act . By including section 10 in the Indian Act to allow First Nations to control their own membership lists, the concepts of Indian status and band membership became distinct for the first time since 1951. Self-government agreements also allowed First Nations to control their membership lists beginning in 1995.
Despite attempts to remove all sex-based discrimination from the Indian Act with the 1985 amendments, residual sex-based inequities were carried forward. These inequities continued to have adverse effects on First Nations' family and community cohesion and, along with the introduction of the registration categories under sections 6(1) and 6(2) and the second-generation cut-off, continued to be sources of grievances and legal challenges against the Government of Canada.
The first legal challenge that was heard by the courts following the passage of Bill C-31 was the McIvor v. Canada case filed in 1987. The McIvor case challenged the registration provisions under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the charter). The court ruled that certain provisions of the Indian Act violated the charter and ordered Canada to amend its legislation. In 2010, the Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (Bill C-3) received royal assent and the changes came into effect in January 2011. The amendments ensured that eligible grandchildren of women who had lost status due to marrying a non-Indian man became entitled to registration under the Indian Act to align how status was transmitted as a result of rectifying the double mother rule Footnote 2 in 1985. However, Bill C-3 did not address a further inequity that directly affected the great-grandchildren of such women. Therefore, it did not bring entitlement for descendants of female lines in line with the entitlement for descendants of male lines in similar circumstances. This resulted in further litigation against Canada, including the Descheneaux case.
The Superior Court of Quebec ruled in the Descheneaux case that provisions relating to Indian registration under the Indian Act unjustifiably violated equality provisions under section 15 of the charter because they perpetuated a difference in treatment between Indian women as compared to Indian men and their respective descendants. Canada accepted the decision and launched a two-part response, including:
An Act to amend the Indian Act in response to the Superior Court of Quebec decision in Descheneaux c. Canada ( Procureur général ) (Bill S-3) received royal assent on December 12, 2017, and some parts took effect on December 22, 2017. It addresses specific inequities identified in Descheneaux as well as other sex-based inequities. This included amendments related to unknown or unstated parentage in registration to grant flexibility in the types of evidence provided by applicants with an unknown or unstated parent, grandparent or other ancestor.
Bill S-3 also introduced provisions with a delayed coming into force for the removal of the 1951 cut-off from the registration provisions in the Indian Act . Once these delayed provisions are in force, all descendants born prior to April 17, 1985 (or of a marriage that occurred prior to that date) of women who were removed from band lists or not considered Indians because of their marriage to a non-Indian man prior to 1951 will be entitled to status, allowing the ability to further transmit entitlement to their descendants. This will remedy inequities back to the 1869 Gradual Enfranchisement Act.
Canada committed to consult on the broader issues around Indian registration, band membership and First Nations citizenship when it introduced Bill S-3 amendments to the Indian Act .
These commitments were written into the bill for Canada to consult with First Nations, Indigenous groups and impacted individuals on these issues as well as on implementation of the removal of the 1951 cut-off. The list of issues for consultation was further enhanced during the co-design of the collaborative process with input from First Nations and Indigenous organizations.
The comprehensive consultations under the collaborative process were launched on June 12, 2018.
Section 6 of the Indian Act defines how a person is entitled to be registered under the Indian Act. The federal government has the sole authority, through the Indian Registrar, to determine who is entitled to be registered. Persons registered with Indian status are eligible for services and benefits delivered through federal departments. Although registration is divided into two primary categories, which are commonly known as sections 6(1) and 6(2), individuals registered under sections 6(1) or 6(2) have the same access to services and benefits.
A person may be registered under section 6(1) if both of their parents are or were registered or entitled to be registered. There are 14 categories under section 6(1) which identify how someone is entitled for registration.
There is no difference in access to services and benefits available to registered Indians whether an individual is registered under 6(1) or 6(2). However, the ability to pass Indian status differs depending on whether a parent is registered under 6(1) or 6(2).
The following diagrams show different parenting scenarios and how those individuals would be registered:
Description of Figure 1a: Two parents registered under section 6(1)
Figure 1a presents two parents who are registered under section 6(1). The child of these parents is entitled to register under section 6(1).
Description of Figure 1b: Two parents registered under section 6(2)
Figure 1b presents two parents who are registered under section 6(2). The child of these parents is entitled to register under section 6(1).
Description of Figure 1c: One parent registered under section 6(1) and one parent registered under section 6(2)
Figure 1c presents one parent who is registered under section 6(1) and one parent who is registered under section 6(2). The child of these parents is entitled to register under section 6(1).
Description of Figure 1d: One parent registered under section 6(1) and one parent not entitled to be registered
Figure 1d presents one parent who is registered under section 6(1) and one parent who is not entitled to be registered. The child of these parents is entitled to register under section 6(2).
Description of Figure 1e: One parent registered under section 6(2) and one parent not entitled to be registered
Figure 1e presents one parent who is registered under section 6(2) and one parent who is not entitled to be registered. The child of these parents is not entitled to register. This is known as the second-generation cut-off.
If a person registered under section 6(1) has a child with a person not entitled to registration (non-Indian), their child is entitled to registration under 6(2): Figure 1d. If a person registered under section 6(2) has a child with a person not entitled to registration (non-Indian), their child will not be entitled to registration: Figure 1e. Entitlement to registration under the Indian Act is lost after two successive generations of parenting with a person not entitled to registration (non-Indian). This is commonly known as the second-generation cut-off and was introduced in the 1985 Bill C-31 amendments. For more on the second-generation cut-off please see:
The creation of a division of entitlement to registration under sections 6(1) and 6(2), as well as the further breakdown of section 6(1) into various sub-categories has resulted in the perception of one category of registration being better than others. For example, many women who were re-instated under section 6(1)(c) following the 1985 amendments were labeled and treated differently (often negatively) than individuals who were entitled under section 6(1)(a). Although there is no difference in access to government services and benefits available to registered Indians whether an individual is registered under 6(1)(a) or 6(1)(c) or section 6(2), there exists a perception that being registered under 6(1)(a) is better or the most desired category. The only legal difference, as defined by the Indian Act , based on the category an individual is registered under is in their ability to pass on entitlement to registration to their children depending on who they parent with. If an individual registered under section 6(1) parents with a non-Indian, their children will be entitled under section 6(2). If an individual registered under section 6(2) parents with a non-Indian, their children will not be entitled to registration.
For First Nations that control their own membership under section 10, their membership code defines who is entitled to membership. Some membership codes differentiate eligibility for membership by the category an individual is registered under. This subsequently results in registered individuals being treated differently by First Nations in determining who can be band members depending on the category they are registered under.
This perceived hierarchy or viewpoints that there are "better" categories of registration is often described by some as being discriminatory. This can create lines drawn within families and disconnection of community and family ties if individuals are not registered under the "right" category.
In 1985, the Indian Act was amended through Bill C-31 to eliminate discriminatory provisions and ensure compliance with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the charter). As part of these changes:
Involuntary enfranchisement:
Enfranchisement occurred without the consent of the individual(s) concerned.
Voluntary enfranchisement:
An individual made an application to prove they were "civilized" and able to take care of themselves without being dependent upon the government.
The federal government retained control over Indian registration and new categories of registered Indians were established within the Indian Act through sections 6(1) and 6(2). The second-generation cut-off was introduced where after two consecutive generations of parenting with a person who is entitled to registration and a person who is not entitled to registration (non-Indian), the third generation is no longer entitled to registration.
The Bill C-31 amendments were an attempt to establish equality between men and women by creating a standard free of sex-based distinctions in the transmission of Indian status, taking into account First Nations concerns around financial considerations and the protection of the ethno-cultural integrity of First Nations. The principles and rationale for the inclusion of the second-generation cut-off was an attempt to balance individual and collective rights.
New authorities to determine band membership were also introduced with Bill C-31 under sections 10 and 11 of the Indian Act : section 10 allowed bands to determine and control their membership if they meet certain conditions. Under section 11, the Indian Registrar administers the band lists for bands that do not seek control of their membership under section 10.
The 1985 Bill C-31 amendments did address some sex-based discrimination. However, because an individual's entitlement to registration is based on the entitlement of their parents and previous ancestors, residual sex-based discrimination stemming from past Indian acts were carried forward.
New issues arose as a direct result of the introduction of the categories under sections 6(1) and 6(2), and the creation of the "second-generation cut-off". Inadvertently, the creation of the different categories of registration resulted in the perception among many First Nations that some categories were "better" or "worse" than others.
With the introduction of two systems for membership under sections 10 and 11, the relationship between Indian registration and band membership began to diverge. For section 10 bands, registration and membership were no longer synonymous, whereas for bands under section 11, they remain connected. As a result, there are situations where an individual is not entitled to registration pursuant to the Indian Act but, because they originate from a section 10 band whose membership rules are more expansive, non-registered individuals can be a band member, and vice-versa.
Over 174,500 individuals became newly registered to registration under Bill C-31. Federal funding did not keep up with the influx in membership and as a result, funding pressures increased for band councils to provide programs and services to an increasing number of individuals newly entitled to registration and membership.
Challenges under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms alleging continued residual sex-based and other inequities in the Indian Act registration provisions were launched relatively soon after the passage of Bill C-31. The first of these challenges, launched in 1987, was the McIvor case. The plaintiff, Sharon McIvor, had lost entitlement to registration when she married a non-Indian man and was reinstated under section 6(1)(c) following the 1985 amendments to the Indian Act. Her son, Jacob Grismer, having only one Indian parent, was entitled to registration under section 6(2) but was unable to transmit that entitlement to his children due to parenting with a non-Indian woman. In contrast, Jacob's cousins in the male line born to a man who married a non-Indian woman before 1985 could pass on their status irrespective of the status of the other parent.
The McIvor case was decided by the British Columbia Court of Appeal (BCCA) in 2009. In its decision, the BCCA expanded the definition of Indian and eligibility for Indian registration under the Indian Act . The McIvor decision prompted further legislative amendments to the Indian registration provisions of the Indian Act through the Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (Bill C-3). Bill C-3 amendments resulted in certain individuals previously entitled to registration under section 6(2) such as Mr. Jacob Grismer, becoming entitled for registration under section 6(1)(c.1) of the Indian Act as long as they met all the following criteria:
By amending registration under section 6 (1)(c.1) for these individuals, their children subsequently become entitled to registration under section 6(2) of the Indian Act if they have:
As a result, more than 37,000 newly entitled individuals were registered from 2011 to 2017 through the implementation of Bill C-3.
The charts below demonstrate the differences in the entitlement of siblings (brother and sister) when the sister regained entitlement to registration following a marriage to a non-Indian man before April 17, 1985 under Bill C-31 and then the same situation following the changes to under the Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (Bill C-3). Both the brother's and sister's children are now entitled under section 6(1) and the grandchildren are entitled under section 6(2).
Description of Figure 1a: Bill C-31 amendments (1985)
Figure 1a describes the situation of a brother and sister registered under section 6(1) where both siblings married non-Indians. Prior to 1985, the sister lost entitlement to status following marriage to a non-Indian. The brother retained his status under section 6(1). The child of the brother and the child of the sister both married non-Indians. The brother's child retains status under section 6(1) and the brother's grandchild retains status under 6(2). After the sister regains her status under the amendments of Bill C-31, her child gains status under section 6(2) but the sister's grandchild is not entitled to status. The family lines are unequal.
Description of Figure 1b: Bill C-3 amendments (2011)
Figure 1b describes the situation of a brother and sister registered under section 6(1) where both siblings married non-Indians. The sister lost her entitlement to status under previous versions of the Indian Act but regained status under section 6(1) through the amendments in Bill C-31. The child of the brother and the child of the sister both married non-Indians. The brother's child retains status under section 6(1) and the brother's grandchild retains status under 6(2). After the amendments of Bill C-3, the sister's child gains status under section 6(1) and the sister's grandchild gains status under 6(2). The family lines are equal.
In response to the Superior Court of Quebec decision in the Descheneaux case, the Government of Canada introduced Bill S-3 to correct sex-based inequities in the registration provisions of the Indian Act . The Superior Court of Quebec ruled that provisions relating to Indian registration under the Indian Act unjustifiably violated equality provisions under section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms because they perpetuated a difference in treatment between Indian women as compared to Indian men and their respective descendants.
Canada accepted the decision and launched a two-part response, including:
Changes from An Act to amend the Indian Act in response to the Superior Court of Quebec decision in Descheneaux c. Canada ( Procureur général ) (Bill S-3) come into force at two different times:
The changes that came into force in December 2017 ensure that eligible grandchildren and great-grandchildren of women who lost status as a result of marrying a non-Indian man become entitled to registration in accordance with the Indian Act . It also ensures children born female and out of wedlock would be entitled to registration as well as their descendants going back to 1951. See a breakdown of the specific changes in the chart below.
The amendments that will come into force at a later date, following consultation, relate to the removal the 1951 cut-off from the registration provisions in the Indian Act . Once these delayed provisions are in force, all descendants born prior to April 17, 1985 (or of marriage that occurred prior to that date) of women who were removed from band lists or not considered Indians because of their marriage to a non-Indian man prior to 1951 will be entitled to status, allowing the ability to further transmit entitlement to their children. This will remedy inequities back to the 1869 Gradual Enfranchisement Act.
The consultation process will address the implementation of removing the 1951 cut-off and the broader issues of Indian registration, band membership and First Nations citizenship. The consultation process was co-designed with First Nations and Indigenous organizations.
Consultations under the collaborative process will address three streams:
Comprehensive consultations were launched on June 12, 2018 and will complete with a report to parliament due by June 12, 2019.
As of March 2018, the total registered Indian population was 990,435 (502,953 women and 487,482 men). Of that population, it is estimated that 510,430 reside on reserve and 480,005 live off reserve.
Description of Figure 1: 2018 registered Indian population by province
Figure 1 presents a map of Canada. The map is based on an analysis of data from the March 2018 Indian Register. The map is colour coded according to the population of the province or territory. The population totals are as follows:
The 1985 Bill C-31 amendments to the Indian Act resulted in an increase of the population entitled to Indian registration of 174,500 from 1985 to 1999. Most of this growth occurred through reinstatements and new registrations (106,781) as well as children born since Bill C-31 who would have not qualified under previous acts (59,798). The 2011 Bill C-3 amendments to the Indian Act resulted in more than 37,000 newly entitled individuals registered from 2011 to 2017 who would have not qualified under previous acts.
Based on an analysis using information from the Indian Register on July 2016, Bill S-3 amendments to the Indian Act are expected to increase entitlement to Indian registration by 28,970. The majority of this increase comes from the cousins remedy (25,588), followed by the siblings remedy (2,905) and omitted minors (477). It is expected that 4,557 individuals entitled to registration under section 6(2) will become entitled under section 6(1).
On reserve | Off reserve | Total entitled |
---|---|---|
689 | 28,282 | 28,961 |
Source: Based on analysis of data from the July 2016 Indian Register |
This increase in entitlement to Indian registration will also apply to band membership. Of the estimated 28,961 newly entitled, 17,260 would be entitled to membership under section 11 bands and will automatically become a member when registered under the Indian Act . The remaining 10,533 would be affiliated with section 10 bands and could attain membership by application, if they qualify under the individual band membership codes. The remaining 1,168 would be connected to bands under self-government legislation or appear on the general lists (not affiliated with a band).
The amendments that come into force at a later date will remove the 1951 cut-off from the Indian Act . During the collaborative process, Canada will be consulting on the implementation of the removal of the 1951 cut-off. Upon completion of this process, an implementation plan will be prepared, and the process will begin to bring this amendment into force.
There is significant uncertainty around determining the population impacts for the removal of the 1951 cut-off as there is no data set that can directly identify the number of individuals that could be impacted. Since the Indian Register only came into existence in 1951, crude estimates of the impact of this amendment can only be obtained using the number of individuals who self-reported Indigenous ancestry from the 2016 Census of Canada.
It is estimated that between 750,000 and 1.3 million individuals in Canada could be entitled to registration under Bill S-3 based on the number of individuals who self-reported as having North American Indian ancestry or identity on the 2016 Census. These numbers are not reflective of how many individuals would eventually apply for Indian registration and likely overestimates the number of individuals who would become registered. The Parliamentary Budget Officer's report PDF format (369 Kb , 25 pages) on the demographic impacts of delayed amendments to the Indian Act estimated that 270,000 individuals could become registered.
The term "Indian" is used to reflect the language used in legislation, such as the Indian Act , both historically and today.
The double-mother rule was introduced in the 1951 Indian Act and removed status from grandchildren at age 21, whose mother and paternal grandmother both acquired status through marriage to an Indian. The rule was repealed in 1985 under Bill C-31.
Applies also when an individual was born after April 16, 1985 of parents married before April 17, 1985.
The double-mother rule was introduced in the 1951 Indian Act and de-registered grandchildren at age 21, whose mother and paternal grandmother both acquired status through marriage to an Indian. The rule was repealed in 1985 under Bill C-31.
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