Background on Indian registration

This fact sheet was designed in support of the Collaborative Process on Indian Registration, Band Membership and First Nation Citizenship. The fact sheet provides information on the current situation or issues to ensure participants in the collaborative process can engage in well-informed and meaningful dialogues.

There are three other related fact sheets:

For a complete package of the fact sheets, please send an email to aadnc.fncitizenship-citoyennetepn.aandc@canada.ca.

On this page

Overview

Long before European contact, First Nations had their own systems for determining the "citizens or members" of their nations. While each Indigenous nation established its own societal rules for determining who was part of the First Nation kinship and community ties were common elements.

First Nation systems of governance and cultural norms were undermined and displaced by the many actors of colonialism. The efforts of colonial administrations included the introduction of legislation that determined who could be considered "Indian" for the purposes of residing on Indian reserves. The definition of Indian Footnote 1 in colonial legislation (1850 to 1867) was broad based, mostly sex neutral and focused on family, social and tribal or nation ties. While the term Indian was often interpreted broadly, the authority to determine who was an Indian shifted to government control beginning in 1869.

The Gradual Enfranchisement Act in 1869 and the first Indian Act in 1876 introduced a narrower definition of an Indian. These early post-Confederation laws established sex-based criteria, specifically rules of descent through the male lines in the definition of Indian. Women and children were usually included under the man's name and not as separate individuals under the legislation. Further, the legislation removed Indian status from an Indian woman who married a non-Indian man and also prevented their children and future descendants from acquiring Indian status and the associated benefits. Therefore, beginning in 1869, the definition of Indian was no longer based on First Nations kinship and community ties but instead, built on the predominance of men over women and children, and aimed to remove families headed by a non-Indian man from First Nations communities.

With the introduction of these laws, the concept of enfranchisement was introduced, where an Indian could gain "full citizenship", with the right to vote and own property, and no longer be considered an Indian under the law. Enfranchisement could happen both voluntarily (by choice and application) and involuntarily (for example, by being forced to give up being an Indian due to professional or educational achievement as outlined in legislation). When a man enfranchised, his wife and children automatically lost their Indian status as well, regardless of whether they wanted to or not. This again led to entire families and their descendants losing status and any associated benefits. Families were torn apart and community ties were broken when they were forced to move away from First Nations communities.

Subsequent amendments to the Indian Act between 1876 and 1985 further entrenched sex-based criteria and continued to narrow the definition of an Indian. In 1951, the Indian Act was amended to establish a centralized Indian Register and created the position of an Indian Registrar to determine who was, and who was not, an Indian under the legislation. It solidified sex-based criteria, enfranchisement provisions and defined exclusive control by the federal government over Indian registration and subsequently band membership. The 1951 amendments created the system where registration (or status) was synonymous with band membership.

Legislative amendments addressing sex-based inequities

In 1985, in response to the passage of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms as well as international pressure exerted by the Lovelace case which was heard by the United Nations Human Rights Committee, the federal government acted to eliminate provisions of the Indian Act that for years had been criticized as discriminatory. Bill C-31 was the first attempt to address sex-based inequities in the Indian Act . Women who married non-Indians no longer lost their status and Indian women who had previously lost their status through marriage to a non-Indian man became eligible to apply for reinstatement, as did their children. Non-Indian women could no longer acquire status through marriage to Indian men and those who had acquired status through marriage prior to Bill C-31 did not lose their status. The concept of enfranchisement and the ability to have someone removed from the Indian Register, if they were eligible, was eliminated. The Indian Registrar maintained the ability to remove individuals from the Indian Register who were not eligible to be registered. Individuals who had been previously enfranchised could also apply for reinstatement.

The federal government retained control over Indian registration and categories of registered Indians were established through sections 6(1) and 6(2) of the Indian Act (Bill C-31) as an attempt to address the concerns raised by First Nations during parliamentary debates around Bill C-31. The concerns of First Nations leaders focused on resource pressures resulting from an expected population increase in First Nations communities, and the fear of ethno-cultural erosion within First Nations due to the large number of individuals with no apparent community or cultural ties that would become entitled to registration. Through the introduction of these registration categories a second-generation cut-off was created when two successive generations of mixed parenting between a person entitled to registration and a person not so entitled (Indian and non-Indian) results in the third generation of children losing entitlement to registration.

Bill C-31 also created separate regimes for the control of band membership under sections 10 and 11 of the Indian Act. Section 10 granted the opportunity for First Nations to take control of their band membership by developing membership rules (membership codes) that had to be approved by the minister as defined by the Indian Act . For First Nations that did not choose to seek control of their membership under section 10, their band membership lists remained under the control of the Indian Registrar under section 11 of the Indian Act . By including section 10 in the Indian Act to allow First Nations to control their own membership lists, the concepts of Indian status and band membership became distinct for the first time since 1951. Self-government agreements also allowed First Nations to control their membership lists beginning in 1995.

Despite attempts to remove all sex-based discrimination from the Indian Act with the 1985 amendments, residual sex-based inequities were carried forward. These inequities continued to have adverse effects on First Nations' family and community cohesion and, along with the introduction of the registration categories under sections 6(1) and 6(2) and the second-generation cut-off, continued to be sources of grievances and legal challenges against the Government of Canada.

The first legal challenge that was heard by the courts following the passage of Bill C-31 was the McIvor v. Canada case filed in 1987. The McIvor case challenged the registration provisions under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the charter). The court ruled that certain provisions of the Indian Act violated the charter and ordered Canada to amend its legislation. In 2010, the Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (Bill C-3) received royal assent and the changes came into effect in January 2011. The amendments ensured that eligible grandchildren of women who had lost status due to marrying a non-Indian man became entitled to registration under the Indian Act to align how status was transmitted as a result of rectifying the double mother rule Footnote 2 in 1985. However, Bill C-3 did not address a further inequity that directly affected the great-grandchildren of such women. Therefore, it did not bring entitlement for descendants of female lines in line with the entitlement for descendants of male lines in similar circumstances. This resulted in further litigation against Canada, including the Descheneaux case.

The Superior Court of Quebec ruled in the Descheneaux case that provisions relating to Indian registration under the Indian Act unjustifiably violated equality provisions under section 15 of the charter because they perpetuated a difference in treatment between Indian women as compared to Indian men and their respective descendants. Canada accepted the decision and launched a two-part response, including:

Legislative response to Descheneaux

An Act to amend the Indian Act in response to the Superior Court of Quebec decision in Descheneaux c. Canada ( Procureur général ) (Bill S-3) received royal assent on December 12, 2017, and some parts took effect on December 22, 2017. It addresses specific inequities identified in Descheneaux as well as other sex-based inequities. This included amendments related to unknown or unstated parentage in registration to grant flexibility in the types of evidence provided by applicants with an unknown or unstated parent, grandparent or other ancestor.

Bill S-3 also introduced provisions with a delayed coming into force for the removal of the 1951 cut-off from the registration provisions in the Indian Act . Once these delayed provisions are in force, all descendants born prior to April 17, 1985 (or of a marriage that occurred prior to that date) of women who were removed from band lists or not considered Indians because of their marriage to a non-Indian man prior to 1951 will be entitled to status, allowing the ability to further transmit entitlement to their descendants. This will remedy inequities back to the 1869 Gradual Enfranchisement Act.

Collaborative process on Indian registration, band membership and First Nations citizenship

Canada committed to consult on the broader issues around Indian registration, band membership and First Nations citizenship when it introduced Bill S-3 amendments to the Indian Act .

These commitments were written into the bill for Canada to consult with First Nations, Indigenous groups and impacted individuals on these issues as well as on implementation of the removal of the 1951 cut-off. The list of issues for consultation was further enhanced during the co-design of the collaborative process with input from First Nations and Indigenous organizations.

The comprehensive consultations under the collaborative process were launched on June 12, 2018.

History of registration in the Indian Act

1850: An Act for the better protection of the lands and property of the Indians in Lower Canada